A MILLION QUESTIONS
TWO MILLION MYSTERIES
Port Townsend, Washington
The photo of the 'dead end'
sign was taken by
our friend Ben Peyronnin. We then altered it for
our own purposes. Our bad! It is being used
to mark additions made from May thru August 2013.
The photo of the fruit of the
Korean dogwood tree
was taken by my friend Evan
Black. It was
for January thru April. The nighttime
photo of the new
ferris wheel in Seattle was taken by
friend Ben Peyronnin. It was used
thru December 2012.
TERMS FOUND ON THIS PAGE:
Kyoka, Kyokki, Kyokuba,
Kyūdō, Kyūri, Lake Biwa or Biwako, Richard Lane,
Samuel Leiter, Maedate, Maegami, Magaki,
Makyō, Maneki neko, Manji,
Matsukawa-bishi, Matsumoto Koshiro V, Matsuri,
Meiji Restoration, Mekura, Mempō, Menbori,
Mikkyō, Miko, Mikoshi, Mikoshi-gura, Mikoshi nyudō, Mildew,
Mimasu, Minamoto Tametomo, Minatomachi, Mingei
Mino, Minogame, Minogami,
Misogi, Misu, Mitate,
Mitsu gashiwa, Mitsu tomoe, Miyagi Gengyo,
Mokkotsu and Mokumezuri
轡, 脚絆, 校合, 狂歌,
旭旗, 曲馬, 脇息, 弓道, 胡瓜,
琵琶湖, 人間国宝, 前立, 前髪, 籬,
枕詞 or 枕言葉,
魔鏡, 招き猫, 万字,
万葉仮名, 万葉集, 丸髷, 松, 松葉, 松羽目物,
松皮菱, (五世)松本幸四郎, 祭り,
冥途, 明治維新, 盲,
面彫り, 麺類, 密教, 御子, 神輿,
or 神輿蔵, 見越入道, 三升,
源為朝, 港町, 民芸, 蓑, 蓑亀, 美濃紙,
見る目嗅ぐ鼻. 禊, 御簾,
三蒲団, 三柏, 三つ巴, 宮城玄魚, 三猿,
没骨 and 木目摺
きょうごう, きょうか, きょっき, きょくば, きょうそく,
きゅうり, びわこ, にんげんこくほう, マルティン ルター,
まえだて, まえがみ, まがき,
まるまげ, まつ, まつ,
めいど, めいじいしん, めくら, めんぽ, めんぼり,
めんるい, みっきょう, みこ, みこし, みこしぐら,
みこしにゅうどう, みます, みみつき,
みなとまち, みんげい, みの, みのがめ, みのがみ,
みそぎ, みす, みつぶとん, みつがしわ, みつどもえ,
みやぎ.げんぎょ, みざる, みずこ, もち, もっこつ and もくめずり
One more note about this
page and all of the others on this site:
If two or more sources are
cited they may be completely contradictory.
I have made no attempt to
referee these differences, but have simply
repeated them for your
edification or use. Quote anything you find here
at your own risk and with a
whole lot of salt.
Click on the yellow
to go to linked
A bit motif: "These
small pieces on each side of the horse's bit not only gave a martial
impression when used as crest motifs, but also were later adopted by several
Christian families because of the 'hidden cross' design."
Quoted from: The Elements of Japanese Design,
by John W. Dower, published by Weatherhill, 1991 edition, p. 106.
Lafcadio Hearn in his writings
mentioned a cricket, the kutsuwa mushi ( 轡虫 or くつわむし) or bridle-bit-insect,
which made the sound the rings attached to the sides of each bridle would
make. He even quotes a poem by Izumi Shikibu (和泉式部 or いずみしきぶ) who was born
in the late 10th century.
Listen! His bridle rings -
That is surely my
Homeward hurrying now
Fast as the horse can bear him!
Ah! My ear was deceived!
Only the Kutsuwamushi!
Hepburn says that a homonym
for kutsuwa means "A prostitue house," but doesn't mention is it is a
proper or common noun.
The leggings worn by a pilgrim.
See our entry on
ajirogasa on our first index/glossary page to see a pilgrim
Black ink keyblock
print used for making color blocks.
David Bull (デイビッド.ブル) of the
Baren Forum adds that after the proof prints were pulled they were sent to
the designer, i.e., artist, who would indicate what colors were to be used
Question: Why do any
kyōgō still exist today? Hiroshi Yoshida provides the answer. "A few
more impressions than the number of the colours to be used in the print must
be taken. If ten colour blocks are anticipated, fifteen may be necessary."
( Japanese Woodblock Printing, 1939, p. 31) ¶ In the 20th century
other colors were used in printing kyōgō. "...they are often printed
in red, green, or blue, in order to bring out the feeling which the artist
desires." (p. 75)
Literally "mad verse"
- a 31 syllable comic poem
Rising Sun Flag: It is the red
and white of the flag which is important to us here. White represents the
yin (陰 or いん) or male element and red the yang (陽 or よう) the female.
Elsewhere I noted: "Another question arises from something else I read a
number of years ago, but for the life of me have been unable to find again
to check my sources. The quote said that the red and white of the Japanese
flag represented the red or female element and the white was the male. It
doesn't take a stretch of the mind to understand the sexually oriented use
of these symbolic colors. The contrast of the two in combination is - if
this is true - a clear analogy to the yin-yang concept."
Well, I finally sound something
on the subject, but not exactly what I was looking for. "Let us return to
the red and white, which colors have had a metaphorical resonance across
Asia, from ancient Iran to Japan. The Chinese conception, reflected in the
funerary rituals, is that the (red) flesh comes from the mother, whereas the
(white) bones come from the father. More specifically, the mother's 'red
drop' contributes the skin, blood, flesh, fat, heart, and soft, red viscera;
whereas the father's white drop contributes the hair, nails, teeth, bones,
veins, arteries, ligaments, semen - in other words, all that is white, hard,
structural. This is very much like the Greek conception, described by Aline
Rousselle, in which semen goes to build the 'noble white parts.' Therefore,
a woman who wants a son must 'whiten' or 'masculinize' herself. According to
Aristotle, 'Man produces sperm because he is a warm nature, such that he
possesses a capacity for bringing about an intense concoction of the blood,
which transforms it into its purest and thickest residue: sperm or male
seed. Women cannot perform this operation. They lose blood, and at their
warmest can only succeed in turning it into milk... Thus, the ultimate
difference between the sexes lies in the fact that one is warm, and dry and
the other is cold and wet, qualities that reveal themselves in their
aptitude or inaptitude for achieving concoction.' Incidentally, this
distinction is presented as the ultimate rationale and justification of the
androcentric social order. The Egyptian theories of reproduction, too,
ascribed the bones to the male principle and the flesh to the female."
Quoted from: The Power of
Denial: Buddhism, Purity, and Gender, by Bernard Faure, published by
Princeton University Press, 2003, p. 83.
A side note: "According to an
interesting (and widespread) Japanese belief, the gender of the child is
said to depend on who gets the most pleasure from sexual intercourse.
According to the Shaseikishū [13th c. - 沙石集 or させきしゅう], for instance,
the conscience is formed by the fusion of the 'white drop' of the father and
the 'red drop' of the mother; and depending where the sexual pleasure was,
the child will resemble the father or the mother." (Ibid., p. 85)
Another fascinating side note
which has nothing whatsoever to do with the Japanese flag, but does pertain
somewhat to the text above: Faure quotes St. Jerome: "As long as a woman is
for birth and children she is as different from man as body is from soul.
But when she wishes to server Christ more than the world, then she will
cease to be a woman and will be called man." (Ibid., p. 128)
For more on the curse of
'redness' look at our
discussion of the Blood Pool of Hell on our
page devoted to the Courtesan from Hell - a print by Kunisada II.
The image of the flag of the
Rising Sun above is shown courtesy of Thommy at
http://commons.wikimedia.org/. The detail to the left is from a
triptych by Koson.
See also our entry on
koshimaki or the red undergarment traditionally worn by Japanese women.
You will find it
on our Kogai thru Kuruma page. And see our entry on the
on our Hil thru Hor page.
feats: "Japan has had its own circus for nearly 500 years. It is called
kyokuba or trick horse-riding was at first its main attraction.
Kyokuba started in the middle of the Muromachi period (1394-1573), and
from its very beginning consisted of fancy horse-riding, acrobatic acts,
comic plays and performances by monkeys and dogs."
Quote from: Mock Joya's Things Japanese, p.
The image to the
left is a detail from a Yoshiharu print from 1871 showing a troupe (kyokuban
- 曲馬団 or きょくばだん) of female, European riders. Click on the number to the
right to see the full print.
A stunt rider is a kyokubashi (曲馬師 or きょくばし).
Armrest: "A support
board (hyōban) measuring approximately 18 by 6 inches...was elevated
on legs at either end, and covered with a cotton-padded cushion. Armrests
might be made of imported karaki woods, zelkova, or paulownia, or
lacquered and decorated in mother-of-pearl inlay or maki-e."
Traditional Japanese Furniture, by Kozuko Koizumi, published by
Kodansha, 1986, p. 102.
I was wondering in general
how old this type of furniture was and was surprised to find that it is
mentioned in the oldest piece of Japanese literature, the Kojiki
(古事記 or こじき) which was
presented to the Imperial Court in 712 A.D. Toward the end of this tale
Wodö-pime of Kasuga sings to the Emperor Yūryaku. In her song she wishes she
were the armrest the Emperor leans upon.
Archery: literally 'the Way of
the bow'. "Archery is also resorted to as a means of divining whether the
harvest will be abundant.... On Janualry 14th of the lunar calendar... the
method used is archery on horseback (yabusame).
The inclination which the arrow takes on the target gives the desired
information about the next crops." Quoted from: Shinto: At the
Fountainhead of Japan by Jean Herbert, p. 153.
Cucumber: A kappa's
Now...I have a
confession to make. The cucumber to the left is not a Japanese cucumber - as
far as I know. I bought it in a local grocery store today. I even searched
for the one which I thought a kappa might find most attractive. Be that as
it may, considering all of the international trade going on this cucumber
may well come from Ecuador or Chile or some such place, but definitely not
Cuba or North Korea. Of that I can be fairly sure. Besides, all I cared
about was finding a decent looking kyūri for your visual and
intellectual delectation. Now there's food for thought.
Kiuri is an
alternate spelling for kyūri listed in the text volume of the Utamaro
catalogue from the great British Museum show. I mention this because a
scholarly friend of mine who is fluent in Japanese questioned my original
use of kiuri.
I revised my entry
to this, i.e., kyūri, Anglicized variation.
The Passionate Art
of Kitagawa Utamaro, published by the British Museum Press, London,
1995, text volume, entry #119, p. 125.
Kyūri literaly means foreign 胡
Orikuchi Shinobu (折口信夫 or
おりくちしのぶ: 1887-1953) said that at some festivals frightening faces were drawn
on cucumbers and they were then sent floating downstream. Since 胡瓜
can be parsed to mean foreign melon then painting it with an intimidating
mug and sending it away is symbolic of ridding a village of evils brought
from the outside.
Several modern Japanese
scholars believe that the kappas love of cucumbers is more modern than
Lake Biwa or Biwako
freshwater lake. 8 of its famous views have inspired many artists.
Major author of works
on Japanese prints including Hokusai: Life and Work
Author of New Kabuki
Living National Treasure(s)
Starting in the late
19th century during the Meiji Period the Japanese began to recognize the
importance of preserving and protecting tangible national treasures. In 1929
the Preservation of National Treasures Law (Kokuhō Hozon Hō) was enacted.
"In the immediate post-World War II years a new effort to nurture
traditional crafts and performing arts on a national basis resulted in the
promulgation of the 1950 Law for the Protection of Cultural Assets (Bunzaki
Hogo Hō), amended and expanded in 1954 and 1970. The 1950 law covered
certain intangible assets (mukei bunka-zai) as well as intangible
objects." Artist/craftsmen became known as 'bearers of important intangible
cultural assets' or jūyō mukei bunkazai hojisha [重要無形文化財保持者].
This included everything from ceramicists, wordsmiths, fabric artists,
lacquerers, doll makers, woodworkers, and performers and practitioners of
music and theatrical arts, etc.
"The first list of 31
persons designated by the government for 28 categories of skills was made
known on 15 February 1955 and the public immediately transferred the word
kokuhō, meaning national treasure, from the 1929 law referring to the
preservation of important objects, to the individuals named in the first
list, calling them Ningen Kokuhō (Human National Treasures). The termn has
been used ever since, despite protestations on the part of the Ministry of
Education and he designees themselves that the program is designed not to
honor individuals, but to ensure that certain traditional skills will be
transmitted for future generations."
65 different skills
have been recognized. Each spring the list is reviewed. If an honoree dies
he or she is not necessarily replaced with another. Sometimes it is a whole
group like a dance troupe which is recognized. A small annual stipend is
given to each individual or group. "There is no specific teaching
requirement, but the honored individual is expected to find and train
apprentices and successors..." Recipients are expected to leave full
records, including films, or their practices and to participate in annual
Source and quotes:
"Living National Treasures" by Barbara C. Adachi in vol. 5 of the
Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan (pp. 60-1).
The top image shown
above is a photo of Iwano Ichibei kneeling next to his certificate. He is a
master paper maker who provides the finest sheets used for woodblock
printing. (See our entry for mimi-tsuke below.) The bottom image of the
Washington Monument with blossoming cherry trees is by Kawase Hasui (川濑巴水 or
かわせ.はすい. He was named an honoree in 1955, but died in 1956. I don't know of
any other ningen kokuhō named for woodblock print artistry since then. Itō
Shinsui (伊東深水 or いとう.しんすい) was honored in 1950 when his print oeuvre was
recognized as a national treasure, but that was before the 1955 designations
although he lived until 1972 and could easily have been included in the
list, but wasn't. If anyone out there knows of other print honorees please
let me know and bring irrefutable proof.
A crest attached to the front
of a helmet. Some dictionaries define it as a plume or pompom.
An interesting aside: When
parsed the kanji characters for maedate mean separately 前 'in front'
and 立 'stand up' or 'erect'. Not surprisingly these two combined also deal
with prostate issues.
Forelock: If anyone had told me
years ago that I would be writing about forelocks and I wouldn't have
believed them and would have laughed out loud. Nor would I have imagined
that forelocks have historically played such an important role in Japanese
culture. (See our entry on
Who would have thought it. Turns out that the forelock on young men in Japan
was supposedly an extra special turn on for many homosexuals. The only
forelocks I remember from my youth were those on Superman (スーパーマン) and some
popular singers. If I wasn't wearing a crew cut or a flattop I would
occasionally have a forelock. Still do sometimes. However, either because
times have changed or for cultural reasons or for a lack of a certain
physical pizzazz I was not the focal point of older men. (I am not
Samuel L. Leiter wrote: [A] "
'Forelock wig,' worn by a youth whose forelock (maegami) still has
not been cut off, an action that was part of the celebratory rites
surrounding his passage into manhood (genpuku [元服 or げんぷく]). There
are a variety of names for the maegami. Those split down the center
into two parts are the hachiware [はちわれ], those stiffened with pomade
are the aburakomi [あぶらこみ], those fashioned like a pompon are the
tsukamitate, and so on." (New Kabuki
Encyclopedia: A Revised Adaptation of kabuki jiten, p. 383)
"Plays about male-male love
filled the repetoire during the time female impersonation was banned
(1651-54), and continued after the ban was replaced by a 1654 regulation of
permissible actors hairstyle... The long forelocks (mae-gami) were the glory
of the boys' appearance, and the shearing of the wakashu [a young
male actor] was a shocking mortification to actors and a source of mourning
for the patrons. Ihara wrote that shaving the mae-gami was 'like
seeing unopened blossoms torn from the branch.' One source said a young man
without his forelock was no longer a young man. "He was, as they said at the
time, no more than a peasant. Finding that their beautiful wakashu
were no longer wakashu, their admirers, it is said, wept tears of
blood." However, enterprising actors found that by using a purple cloth they
could remain as alluring as ever. (Source and quotes:
Homosexualities, by Stephen O. Murray, University of Chicago Press,
2002, p. 174)
The shaving of the forelock may not have been such a sudden act for a boy of
15 or 16. In the introduction to the The Great Mirror of Male Love
(Stanford University Press, 1990, p. 29) Paul Gordon Schalow tells us "At
the age of eleven or twelve the crown of the male child's head was shaved,
symbolizing the first three steps toward adulthood. The shaved crown drew
attention to the forelocks (maegami), the boys distinguishing
feature. At the age of fourteen or fifteen the boy's natural hairline was
reshaped by shaving the temples into right angles, but the forelocks
remained as sumi-maegami (cornered forelocks). This process, called
'putting in corners' (kado o ireru), was the second step towards
adulthood. From being a maegami (boy with forelocks), the wakashu had now
graduated to being a sumi-maegami (boy with cornered forelocks). The final
step, completed at age eighteen or nineteen, involved cutting off the
forelocks completely; the pate of his head was shaved smooth, leaving only
the sidelocks (bin). Once he had changed to a robe with rounded
sleeves, the boy was recognized as an adult man (yarō). He was no
longer available as a wakashu for sexual relations with adult men like
himself but was now qualified to establish a relationship with a wakashu."
Schalow addresses the historical issues of sexuality and the cutting of the
forelocks on pages 35-36: "Much to the chagrin of the authorities, kabuki
next became a vehicle for displaying the charms of beautiful boys, whether
as wakashugata or as onnagata. During the reign of the third Tokugawa
shogun, Iemitsu, the social problems produced by this situation were not
addressed, possibly because he was known as something of a connoisseur of
boys himself. Within a year after his death in 1651, boys were finally
banned from the stage, first in Edo and then in Osaka and Kyōto. Theater
proprietors negotiated with the authorities and were eventually allowed to
reopen the theaters under certain stipulations: the name kabuki was
forbidden, and the name 'Mime Theatrical Show' (monomane kyōgen zukushi)
replaced it; actors were told to reduce eroticism and increase the realism
and dramatic quality of their roles; and perhaps most important, boy actors
were required to shave off their forelocks in the manner of adult men (yarō)."
Above is the cover to the
paperback edition of
The Great Mirror of Male Love
Ihara Saikaku. In it are numerous
references to older men smitten
with young boys and either waxing poetically about or pining for one more
view of the young boys' forelocks.
Saikaku in Kichiya Riding a Horse mentioned a fight among samurai
which broke out over a young boy. Schalow tells us that was in the 6th month
of 1652 and led to the rule about shaving forelocks. Saikaku wrote: "Theater
proprietors and the boys' managers alike were upset by the effect it might
have on business, but looking back on it now the law was probably the best
thing that ever happened to them. It used to be that no matter how splendid
the boy, it was impossible for him to keep his forelocks and to take on
patrons beyond the age of twenty. Now since everyone wore the hairstyle of
adult men, it was still possible at age 34 or 35 for youthful-looking actors
to get under a man's robe. How strange are the ways of love!"
"Hair was in fact believed
to provide a direct connection to the gods. For example, the forelock on
children was left uncut because it was believed that this is what the gods
would yank on if the children were in trouble." Quoted from: Asian
Material Culture, essay by Martha Chaiklin, p. 41.
A latticework. In the
Yoshiwara or red-light district "There were three classes of bordellos..."
The houses with the highest class of prostitutes had a latticework which was
the largest, most expansive, running from near the floor all the way to the
ceiling. This was referred to as the ōmagaki or sōmagaki,
i.e., the large or complete lattice. Medium sized houses had lattices which
which only covered 3/4th of the space of the ōmagaki. These
were called han-magaki or majiri-magaki (a half or mixed
lattice). The lowest class houses which never offered the highest rank of
courtesans had a half lattice, i.e., the bottom was latticed and the top
half was open. These were called so-han-magaki or 'complete
Glittering World of the Japanese Courtesan, by Cecilia Segawa Seigle,
University of Hawaii Press, 1993, pp. 234-5)
A magaki can also
be a fence or hedge as can seen in the image below.
See also our entry on
on our Kogai thru Kuruma index/glossary page.
Topknot - "The usual wig for
male characters consists of a back hair section and side-locks that are
dragged back and tied into a forward-facing topknot (mage)." Quoted
from: A Guide to the Japanese Stage: From Traditional to Cutting Edge by Cavaye, Griffith and Senda, p. 75.
"...signs of dishevelment to
the topknot or sidelocks are usual indications of mental distraction
or of a rather disreputable character." (Ibid.)
Scrolls: When shown in
pairs they are one of the symbolic lucky treasures. They are often
The image to the left on top is similar to one shown in John Dower's book on
Japanese crests or mon. However, Dower lists it under a section on
amulets and notes that it was used by a branch of the Ikeda family from
Bizen province who remained 'hidden Christians' after the outlawing of
Christianity. This design was chosen not because of its well known
connection with Buddhism, but because it contained a hidden cross motif. The
image shown below that is shown in its more traditional form as one of the
lucky treasures. (See the first graphic entry on manji below.) Source: The Elements of Japanese Design,
by John W. Dower, published by Weatherhill, 1991 edition, p. 102.
Pillow - In Back and Bed:
Ergonomic Aspects of Sleeping by Bart Haex from 2004 it says "The
traditional Japanese pillow (makura), for example, is filled with red beans,
or buckwheat chaff."
"In Far Eastern countries the
pillow was generally made of solid wood, and, for use in the summer, of
ceramics, covered with a small bag containing tiny seeds, etc. The wooden
pillow often contained a drawer or opening in which amulets were kept. In
Japan during the Tokugawa period, the daimyō' s pillow was often a
lacquered box having a slightly curved upper surface perforated with
ornamental designs. Through these was emitted smoke of burning incense
stored within, to ensure redolent slumber for the daimyō." Quote
from: The Trail of Time: Time Measurement with Incense in East Asia
by Silvio Bedini, 1994, fn. 17, p. 132.
"...in this cupboard the guests
sometimes find the sleeping blocks that serve the locals as pillows for
their heads. The blocks are shaped like a cube, are hollow, and are made of
six thin boards joined together. They are varnished on the outside, smooth
and clean, not much longer than one span, while their width and depth
is somewhat less, so that turning them in various ways one's head may be
higher or lower. The traveler cannot expect any further bedding from his
host. Those who do not carn their own bedding use the mat-covered floor as a
mattress, their coat as a blanket, and this hollow block of wood as a
pillow." Quoted from: Kaempfer's Japan: Tokugawa Culture Observed,
1999, p. 264. Kaempfer's book was first published in 1727.
"Stacked beside the futon
were the soba gara makura (soh-bah gahrah mah-koo-rah). These small pillows,
designed a thousand years ago, were filled not with the feathers from
suddenly naked, shivering geese, but of all things, with the hulls of
buckwheat! They were about as far from our fluffy, cushy Western headrests
as a pillow could be without being a chunk of wood. After a rough day at
work it was at first difficult to be lulled into dreamland by these pillows.
Rather, yoursleepy senses were convolutedly shocked awake. In particular,
your delicate hearing. As the weight of your head pressed into the
pillow, a bejillion tiny buckwheat hulls—sounding up close more like their
cousins, the harder and tougher peppercorns—began combatively shifting
in a noisy, grinding grating crunch until their jostling finally gave up on
the pecking order and settled into place. This place turned out to be the
perfect contour of your head. ¶ If you lay your head cheek-down upon this
container of grit with one of your finely-tuned ears (whose ability to hear
had now, without warning, magnified because of its close proximity to all
the racket) it sounded uncannily like the explosions under automobile
tires as they drove over a bountiful fall harvest of plump acorns spread
across a cement driveway. The ensuing, seemingly endless eruptions continued
until all the hulls had at last come to their raspy resting places—the
exact imprint of your now wide awake profile."
枕詞 or 枕言葉
Pillow word - "...a fixed
epithet placed before the names of provinces, mountains, and certain other
nouns, and perhaps intended originally to invoke the magic of a place by
mentioning its special attribute — its title, as it were. It is rather like
the epithets found in Homer, such as 'ox-eyed Hera' or 'fleet-footed
Achilles,' used even when the eyes or feet of the person are not in
question." Quoted from: The Pleasures of Japanese Literature by
Donald Keene, pp. 26-27.
"Pillow book" - "The meaning of
'pillow book' (makura sōshi) is uncertain, but the term is commonly
thought to have designated some kind of notebook. A sōshi ("book") was a
stitched fascicule of paper, often with leaves in a variety of colors."
Quoted from: A Tale of Flowering Fortunes by Helen Craig
McCullough, volume 1, 1980, p. 651.
An ancient Chinese mirror
making technique adopted by the Japanese in which a hidden image appears in
When the wearing of earrings became more popular among young men a number of
years ago I was incredibly naive. I still am, but now I know that there was
a coding system at that time as to which ear it is worn in. Quickly I was
taught the anti-gay mantra of "Right is wrong and left is right". And no I
am not anti-gay, buy that is the saying. I mention this because there seems
to be a lot of discussion out there as to the significance of which paw the
beckoning cat has raised. Mock Joya says that there is "...a popular
tradition that when a cat passses [sic] its left paw over its left ear it is
a sign that visitors will come." It must be true because these creatures are
ubiquitous. They come in ceramic, wood, bronze and other forms. They show up
in shops and restaurants everywhere. Sometimes the businesses are owned by
Japanese, but one is just as likely to run into them in Chinese, Korean or
even Waspish establishments.
One story about its
origin: There was a famous Yoshiwara
courtesan who had a pet cat. As the woman was entertaining a client the cat
kept pawing at her and would not go away. Irritated the client drew his
sword and beheaded the cat. Its head flew up toward the rafters and it
killed a snake which was about to strike the courtesan.
Grief stricken the
courtesan gave it an elaborate burial and erected a tombstone. Then she
asked a sculptor to recreate the cat in all its features. When done it
showed the cat with a left paw raised to its ear. She caressed and fed it -
or tried to - everyday. And this was the first maneki neko. (Source and quote: Mock Joya's Things Japanese,
The image to the
left was created by David Wilcox especially for this site. Thanks David!
"Always in the dwelling which a band of geisha occupy there is a strange
image placed in the alcove. Sometimes it is of clay, rarely of gold, most
commonly of porcelain. It is reverenced: offerings are made to it,
sweetmeats and rice bread and wine; incense smoulders in front of it, and a
lamp is burned before it. It is the image of a kitten erect, one paw
outstretched as if inviting--whence its name, 'the Beckoning Kitten.' It is
the genius loci: it brings good-fortune, the patronage of the rich, the
favour of banquet-givers. Now, they who know the soul of the geisha aver
that the semblance of the image is the semblance of herself--playful and
pretty, soft and young, lithe and caressing, and cruel as a devouring fire."
(Quoted from: Glimpses of an Unfamiliar Japan by Lafcadio Hearn)
The swastika which has
its origins in Indo-Aryan design and was adopted as a positive Buddhist
symbol of happiness and well-being. In China it came to mean 10,000 or
longevity, even eternity. "In Zen it symbolizes the 'seal of buddha-mind'..."
(Quoted from: The
Shambala Dictionary of Buddhism and Zen, p. 214)
See also our entry for
A personal note: If I
have heard it once I have heard it a thousand times that the arms of the
Asian swastika go a different direction from that of the Nazi swastika. As
best I can tell this is untrue. The Asian swastika was so often incorporated
into decorative schemes that it can be found going both ways in the same
design. It would seem that people insist that there is a distinct and
noticeable difference between the swastika as it was used by the Asians and
by that of the Germans because they are trying to exonerate the original
source. However, this is really no more realistic than your run of the mill
The word 'swastika' is
of Sanskrit origin and was meant to convey a concept of well-being, fortune
or luck. Among certain Tibetan groups this symbol was always shown rotating
counterclockwise... "unlike the Hindu, Jain and Buddhist swastika, whose
sacred motion is clockwise." (Source and quote:
The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, by Robert Beer,
published by Shambala, 1999, p. 344)
The image to the left
is a detail from a Kuniyoshi print.
To the left above the sickle, kama (鎌 or かま), crest or mon functions
on various levels. As a sickle it is associated with a protective deity
which cuts down its enemies. Combined into a swastika form would simply
magnify its efficacy.
Anyone who has studied ukiyo-e long enough will know that the manji
is used frequently, almost ubiquitously, over a period of decades.
Ordinarily it appears in the most subtle forms on the under-robes -
generally in blue and white patterns which are interlaced - being worn by
some of the figures. Because of its positive connotations it is rarely seen
on the clothing of villains as it is here.
Below is an
example by Kunitsuna where the blue and white swastika design is clearly
shown. To the left we have isolated a part of the design for easier viewing.
万字繋 or 卍繋
The interlocked swastika
motif. The term tsunagi refers to any number of motifs which are
interlinked, like .
The detail to the left comes
from a print in the Lyon Collection. Click on the image to see the full
"Man'yōgana are a set of
unmodified Chinese characters that were once used as phonetic symbols to
represent Japanese syllables. As the name suggests, man'yōgana (manyo
+ kana) was the writing system used in the Man'yoshu, an 8th
century anthology containing poems from the 5th century to 759 AD. Most
attempts to write Japanese prior to the Heian period (794-1185) fall into
the category of man'yōgana. Thereafter man'yōgana gives way to
other forms of kana." These characters were written "...without
modification or simplification." Since they represented only sounds they
might look like a traditional Chinese text but would be completely
unreadable nonsensical to a Chinese reader. (Source and quotes from: the
Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, vol. 4, p 131, entry by Haruo Aoki)
Japan's oldest poetry anthology
dating from the 8th century. Donald Keene in his Seeds in the Heart:
Japanese Literature from Earliest Times to the Late Sixteenth Century
(Henry Holt and Company, 1993, p. 3) says: "Japanese poetry did not begin
with the Kokinshū. Indeed, it is generally accepted that many of the
finest poems of the language are found in the Man'yōshū, a collection
compiled well over a century earlier; but the secret of how to read the
complicated script in which the poems of the Man'yōshū were
transcribed was not unlocked until the seventeeth century, and during the
nine hundred years after the completion of the Man'yōshū, poets
looked back to the Kokinshū as the finest flowering of court poetry,
a model that they sought to emulate in language, subjects and above all its
typical form, the waka."
"...lit. a round
chignon. the [sic] marumage hairstyle, a traditional coiffure developed
during the Edo period (1603-1868). The style is made up of an elevated
oval-shaped chignon, a small front tuft, and puffed-out back and side locks.
It was widely worn by married women until the end of the Meiji era
Quote from: Dictionary of Japanese Culture by Setsuko Kojima and
Gene A. Crane, p. 203.
Pine tree - a
symbol of longevity, winter and New Years and being virtuous.
The image to the
left on top is a detail from a Toyokuni I print showing a painted backdrop.
throughout the year, resistant to strong winds and heavy snows the pine came to
symbolize longevity. Several families adopted a variation on the pine
motif for use as their family crest.
Pine needle(s): These were
"...were used to express one's sincerity and sentiments in presenting gifts
to others." (Quoted from: Mock Joya's Things Japanese, p.364)
Above is a photo of
Portuguese pine needles
commons.wikimedia.org by Tintazul.
In a prominent Kyoto
restaurant one dish is called matsuba sōmen or green tea noodle fans.
It is described as "Fans of thin noodles, deep-fried to resemble pine needle
In some cases real green
pine needles are used as skewers for food much in the same way people in the
West use toothpicks.
Dictionary of Food and Cooking describes a particular display of splayed
cucumber as matsuba because it is reminiscent of pine needles.
Mushi-garei (蒸鰈 or むしがれい) is
steamed flatfish which is cooked with pine needles at the beach.
The image to the left is
shown courtesy of Shu Suehiro
Masaoka Shiki (正岡子規 or まさおかしき:
1867-1902) wrote a thoughtful and evocative poem in 1898 - as translated by
Gusts of winter wind-
pine needles strewn
all over the outdoor Noh stage
In a discussion of tattooing
techniques in Irezumi: the Pattern of Dermatography in Japan by
Willem R. van Gulik (p. 100) lists matsuba-mikiri (松葉みきり) or a
pine-needle border of "...closely spaced short vertical straight lines."
One of the houses of
prostitution in the Yoshiwara district of Edo was the Matsuba-ya or House of
Pine Needles. Courtesans from this establishment were illustrated by Choki,
Eishi, Utamaro and Kunisada. Below is a print of the courtesan Ichiwa of
Matasuba-ya by Utamaro. It is in the collection of the Cincinnati Art
Museum. Notice that the background pattern is the pine bark motif (see
matsukawa-bishi further down this page):
An age-matsuba (上げ松葉 or
あげまつば) is a teahouse in a garden where pine needles carpet the ground to
keep it and the moss from freezing in winter. It is said that "...Furuta
Oribe [古田織部 or ふるたおりべ: 1545-1615] devised this technique. These strewn
matsuba are picked up (ageru, age) little by little from
New Year's Day in the lunar calendar starting with those closer to the
teahouse until they are completely removed." (Source and quote from:
Chado: The Way of Tea, p. 105) A poem by Fuhaku (不白 or ふはく: 1716-1807)
from the same book goes: The day when the bush warbler starts singing is
the day pine needles are picked up.
Kabuki plays adapted
from Noh theater
Pine bark lozenge
Matsumoto Kōshirō V
Scott Schnell in the Rousing
Drum: Ritual Practice in a Japanese Community (University of Hawaii
Press, 1999, p. 290) tells us exactly what the purpose of a matsuri
is. "The matsuri has been used at various times by its participants to
commune with the supernatural, establish or strengthen interpersonal
relations, generate and preserve a sense of collective identity, garner
prestige, further political ambitions, assert or reaffirm the authority of
the local elite and/or the state, challenge that authority, seek retribution
for perceived injustices, relieve tensions through cathartic expenditure of
energy, settle old scores, and stimulate economic development."
Gloria Ganz Gonick in her
Matsuri! Japanese Festival Arts (published by the Fowler Museum, UCLA,
2002, p. 24) adds to what Schnell says: "The essence of matsuri is a
prescribed sequence of religious rites held for a group and led by a Shinto
priest. The original impetus for establishing a matsuri was
usually a felt need to commemorate a historic event of local
significance or to seek a fortuitous change in the economic or agricultural
outlook of a community. To accomplish this, it was deemed necessary to
directly interact with the Japanese deities (kami) and beseech their
cooperation." ¶ These festivals "...may include a lively costumed pageant,
promenading band, adn semiprofessional dance troops, as well as abundant
feasting and drinking." All of this originally has a religious basis, but
today such gatherings are increasingly secular. ¶ "Matsuri are hosted
by a particular Shinto shrine (jinja) of one community and organized
by its neighborhood association (chōnai-kai)." For that reason each matsuri has it own local flavor.
See also our entry on
float on our
thru Z index/glossary page.
Blackened eyebrows, eyebrow
paint or an eyebrow pencil: After shaving off their real eyebrows early
aristocratic women would sometimes paint on new false one's higher up on
their foreheads. (See our entry on
okimayu. There is a description there of
one of the concoctions used.)
Above is a detail from a
眉墨 is an acceptable variant
Land of the Dead (in Hell)
Restoration of Imperial
power in 1868
Blindness: "The blind have
played a key role in the history of Japanese shamanism. Most shamans were
women, but blind men also served in this capacity. Even today in certain
remote regions of northeastern Japan, a few old blind women still
occasionally practice a sort of divination which is the modern remnant of
shamanic tradition. In pre-Buddhist Japan, the blind were apparently
understood to be particularly capable of communications with the gods. In
more recent times as well, the congenitally blind in some areas have been
trained from childhood to become shamanic intermediaries. This underlying
belief in the spiritual 'sight' of the blind also helps account for the
large number of blind
biwa hōshi and even the existence of
blind 'picture explainers.' " Buddhism, on the other hand, had a totally
different approach. Anyone who was congentially blind, deaf, mute, lame or
suffering from leprosy was not closer to the gods, but further from them.
They were being punished for wrong-doings in a previous life. (Source and
quotes: The Legend of Semimaru Blind Musician of Japan by Susan
Matisoff, p. 22)
Note: There are a number of
Japanese words for blindness. We have chosen this one even though English is
our first language.
Mempō (also menpō)
A half mask worn over the
cheeks, chin and nose. NOTE: This next quote seems to contradict what we
have just said. Once we have figured it out we will try to make all of the
appropriate corrections. "According to Stone, there were five basic types
[of face masks.] The first covered the entire face (mempo, membo,
so-mempo) with removable pieces. The second covered the face below
the eyes (hoate). The third covered the cheeks and chin, leaving the
nose and the mouth exposed - thus resembling a monkey's face (saru-bo).
The fourth covered the lower part of the face (often the chin only) and was
referred to as swallow-face (tsubame-bo, tsubame-gata). The
fifth covered the forehead and cheeks only. The masks which covered the chin
had a hole (asa-nogashi-no-ana) to allow the perspiration to
escape.... (A handkerchief, or fukusa, was worn between the mask and
the chin.)" (Quoted from: Secrets of the Samurai: The Martial Arts of
Feudal Japan by Oscar Ratti and Adele Westbrook, p. 217)
"These face masks... were
patterned to represent 'faces of men, demons, or animals, and were cleverly
made, old men selecting a youthful mask and vice-versa.' " There was the
Korean face (korai-bo), the ghost (moriyo), the evil demon (akuryo),
the Southern barbarian (namban-bo), the long nosed tengu, the old
man's face (okina-men), that of a youth (wara-wazura) and even
a woman's face (onna-men). (Ibid., p. 218)
The image to the left was
taken by Pom˛ at the Musée Guimet and posted at commons.wikimedia.org.
See also our entry on
Face carver: Now this is an odd
term because as far as we can tell it only appears once in all of the
literature on ukiyo prints in an article by Shigeyoshi Mihara in
Monumenta Nipponica (Vol. 6, No. 1/2, 1943, pp. 245-261). That's it. No one
else seems to use this term although one would expect that they would if
this is being used properly. ¶ Rebecca Salter in her Japanese Woodblock
Printing (p. 60) makes it clear how difficult certain carving tasks
could be. "The apprenticeship of a carver would last at least ten years. He
would start by carving very simple letters on scraps of leftover wood, would
move on to carving the script for song books before graduation to the plain
colour blocks for nishiki-e. He would still not be allowed to cut the single
brush stroke outlines but could cut the patterns on textiles. In such spare
time as he had, the apprentice would practice spacing these geometrical
patterns with a compass and ruler because the artist rarely did more than
give an indication of the textile patterns required of large areas on the
blocks before learning the art of cutting the figure. ¶ His figure-carving
career began with the hands and feet and, after mastering finger tips, he
was allowed to cut the nose which had to be done in one pull and there was
no chance of rectifying any mistakes. The ear and head including the outline
of the face came next. This part of the composition called for considerable
experience and judgment on the part of the carver. The aim at all times was
to preserve the freshness of the brush-drawn line on the original drawing so
if possible the carving was always done in the same direction as the
brushstroke. The brush line, however, would be wider than the final printed
line so it was up to the carver which side of the original line he followed
and by how much he reduced the width. A true master carver was capable of
carving a face line characteristic of each artist without reference to a
A term which might be
synonymous with menbori is
kashibori or head carver.
One of the generic terms for
noodles. Often translated as vermicelli. "Noodles in Japan can be divided
into two distinct types: the buckwheat noodles associated with Tokyo and
northern Japan and the wheat noodles of Osaka and southern Japan. I was born
in Tokyo, and when I first went to Osaka as a young reporter, the first
thing that struck me was the pallor of their noodle broth and the way you
could see the noodles so clearly in it. I had always heard Osaka people were
stingy, so I just assumed they used less soy sauce. Later I found out it was
because they use usukuchi (light) soy sauce, which is just as
flavorsome but lighter in color than the Tokyo variety. I thought they were
being mean, too, with their green onions, using the tough green portion we
throw away in Tokyo. But I discovered that the Osaka onions — unlike the
variety I used in Tokyo cooking, which are mostly white — are mostly green.
But then everything seemed so different, although the cities are only 372
miles (600 kilometers) apart. The accent — even the words used. For
instance, they refer to eels in Osaka as mamushi, the name we give to
poisonous vipers up north! ¶ Japan's noodles vividly exemplify this cultural
division between north and south. Soba, cold-climate buckwheat
noodles, are at their best in Tokyo and the north, and are mainly eaten
there, while udon, those made of wheat, flourish from Osaka right
down to southernmost Kyushu. Historically buckwheat noodles are the older. ¶
Oddly enough, the buckwheat variety claims more connoisseurs and sparks more
controversy than udon, although aficionados of both kinds like to
savor noodles al dente and eat them plain, with just the broth and
nothing else. In the case of the cold buckwheat noodles served in summer,
real connoisseurs hardly add any broth at all. In the urban sophistication
of seventeenth-century Edo (now Tokyo), eating cold soba with a lot
of broth came to be considered boorish and a sign that the eater was a
country bumpkin and did not appreciate good noodles." Quoted from:
Japanese Cooking: A Simple Art, pp. 305-6.
Esoteric Buddhism of
the Shingon and Tendai sects
The female shamans -
maidens - of Shinto shrines. They are also known as fujo (巫女 or ふじょ)
or even fuyo.
An observation: Considering how
pervasive Shintoism is in Japanese culture it is amazing that it doesn't
show up in print images more. It does occasionally, but only in the most
subtle ways and rarely if ever is the focus point. I have personal theories
about why this might be, but they are only my theories and probably would
just come across as hot air. However, if anyone out there reading this has
any ideas on this subject I would love to hear from you. Not on to the
subject at hand - the miko.
The image above shows two miko
walking behind a kannushi or Shinto priest
leading a wedding
procession. The bride and groom are shown immediately
behind the miko and
sheltered beneath a large red umbrella. This photo and the
isolated detail to the left is
shown courtesy of Melanom and Shinichi Sugiyama
as posted at
A miko originally was
"...a medium who acts as the bridge between the people and the ancestral
deities, and performs magic rituals of purification, healing, and
Quoted from: Handbuch der
Orientalistik, by Benito Ortolani, Horst Hammitzsch, W J Boot, Bertold
Spuler, Hartwig Altenmüller, published by Brill, 1990, p. 2
Chinese chronicles describe
late 2nd century Japan, the land of Wa, as being engulfed by warfare. Much
of the nation eventually united around Himiko* (or perhaps Pimiko) - 卑弥呼 or
ひみこ - a young woman who may have only been a teenager at the time, but who
was said to have mastered 'The Way of the Demons' or kidō (鬼道 or
きどう). According to the Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan (vol. 3, p 139, entry
by Saeki Arikiyo) Himiko's "...rule was doubtless invested with a strongly
religious character. After she became queen, very few persons were allowed
to see her. She is said to have had 1,000 female laves in her service, and
only one male was allowed to enter her living quarters, in order to bring
food, drink, and messages. Her private quarters and their palisadelike out
enclosure were strictly guarded at all times by soldiers." The Handbuch
der Orientalistik states that "Queen Himiko... was probably a miko....
In her exalted position as supreme ruler she might well have begun a
primitive form of the ceremonies that later became the duty of the
emperor as head of the Shinto religion." (Handbuch, p. 2) ¶ "...a
number of kagura [sacred dances and songs of Shintoism] are still
performed after sunset, because it is during darkness that the miko
perform their conjurations, when the spirits of the dead appear, and the
help of the protector
kami against the evil influences is
most needed. In general, shamanistic activity requires darkness also as a
symbol for the journey of the shaman from the limits of normal consciousness
into the light of the dimension where the sacred communications take place."
(Handbuch, p. 6)
*It is interesting that the
kanji 鬼 is the opening character for the goddess of childbirth and children,
Hariti (鬼子母神 or きしもじん), and also for witch or demoness (鬼女 or きじょ), and
wizard or genius (鬼才 or きさい) among other words.
The Handbuch (p. 22)
states: "The word miko is used mainly for priestesses, female
shamans/mediums, and shrine maidens, but male miko are not rare in
primitive Japanese tradition. Miko were chosen through sacred lot or,
in some communities, because of family tradition. Some of the first rulers
of primitive Japan were probably miko, and the principal miko
of the great Shinto shrines have enjoyed since their foundation a very
prominent social position. ¶ It seems that originally the miko were
supposed to be virgins, who would abandon their practice when they married.
There are, however, many cases of miko who continued in their
funcitons after their marriage. Besides the miko belonging to the
shrines, there were aruki miko (wandering miko) who also would
act as mediums conjuring the souls of the living and the dead, pronounce
divine oracles, and pray for the faithful. A relatively high percentage of
these miko were blind. A number of miko became professional
entertainers and prostitutes. ¶ The importance of the miko for the
performing arts cannot be overestimated. The beginning of several forms of
later genres of theatre are connected with miko... The first
kabuki is attributed to a wandering miko, the legendary Okuni."
Today the miko play a
far different role. They are generally girls from the family of priests.
"They take care of menial duties and also perform elegant, slow, dignified kagura dances, in which it is often hard to discover even a trace of
imitation of the original trance phenomena." (Ibid.) In the early dances the miko became a receptacle for the kami itself. ¶ The Handbuch
(p. 23) tells us that the two oldest words for dance in Japan are mai
(舞 or まい) and odori (踊り or おどり). "Mai is derived from the
custom of the shamaness of circling around and around to reach a state of
trance (mau is a contraction of mawaru=to rotate, to move in
circular motion). Odori is traced back to the fact that male shamans
would leap repeatedly up and down to induce the deity to possess them (odoru
means to leap, to jump)." The stamping of feet might be meant to pacify
spirits, the raising of hands to welcome possession, and the linear
movements meant to cover the cardinal points.
There are two other ways of writing miko: 神子、巫子.
When a child or young adult
has suddenly disappeared it was traditionally assumed that the victim has
been abducted by a supernatural power. The locals would go searching the
area thoroughly. "If these measures failed to bring the child back within a
fixed period of time, the relatives could as a last resort request a miko or
white witch to recite appropriate spells. If these in their turn did not
prove efficacious within seven days the child was given up as hopelessly
Quoted from: "Supernatural
Abductions in Japanese Folklore", by Carmen Blacker, published by Nanzan
Unviersity, Asian Folklore Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2, 1967, p. 111.
For more on abductions see
our entry on
"In the Edo period, women
known as 'wandering miko,' many of them loosely affiliated to large
shrines, traveled through Japan, alone or in groups, until their activities
were suppressed in 1873. The main characteristic of these women was that
they were in motion, which contrasts with the relative immobility of
monastic reclusion or of domestic life. The social evolution that
transformed certain nuns into loose women, however, is by no means
characteristic of Buddhism alone, since the priestesses (miko) of the
Shintō shrines suffered the same fate. Originally, these asobime [遊び女 or
あそびめ] (courtesans; lit. 'play-girls') were perhaps sacred prostitutes...
Admittedly, and the sacred were intimately connected in archaic Japanese
religion." ¶ The author notes later that a Jesuit priest, Luis Fróis,
visiting Japan in the late 16th century, had commented on the fact that
women did not seem to value their chastity highly and that rape was not an
impediment to marriage later on.
Source and quote from: The Power of
Denial: Buddhism, Purity, and Gender, by Bernard Faure, published by
Princeton University Press, 2003, p. 252.
The miko "...can
enter a state or trance in which the spiritual apparition may possess her,
penetrate inside her body and use her voice to name itself and to make its
utterance. She is therefore primarily a transmitter, a vessel through whom
the spiritual beings, having left their world to enter ours, can make their
communications to us in a comprehensible way." (Quote from: The Catalpa
Bow: A Study of Shamanistic Practices in Japan by Carmen Blacker, p. 22)
¶ "Corresponding with each of
these figures is a particular kind of trance. With the medium, infused or
possessed by a spiritual being a number of physical symptoms are commonly
found. These include a violent shaking of the clasped hands, stertorous
breathing or roaring, and a peculiar levitation of the body from a seated
cross-legged posture. I have seen both men and women propel themselves some
six inches into the air from this position, again and again for several
minutes on end. A violent medium is always considered more convincing than a
docile one, the non-human character of the voice and behavior indicating
more vividly the displacement of the medium's own [self]..." (Ibid.)
A portable shrine -
"The year 1095 saw the first use by these monks of a palanquin containing
the presence of the god of the mountain, Sannō 山王, something that became a
common sight whenever monks had a grievance. In 1123, for example, seven of
these shrines for example, seven of these shrines were carried down into the
capital, as a result of which a pitched battle ensued, and in 1165 a
disagreement between Enryakuji and Kofukuji led to the destruction of
Kiyomizudera 清水寺, one of Kōfukuji's branch temples in the capital. ¶
Kōfukuji's equivalent to the palanquin was a sacred sakaki tree
榊, known as the shinboku
神木, which symbolised the
presence of the Kasuga deities and was often used to show the
'displeasure' of the gods at decisions that adversely affected temple or
shrine. Sometimes just moving the tree-deity from its usual resting place to
the main gate of Kōfukuji, an act known as shinboku dōza 榊木動座,
was enough to insure a favourable decisision; sometimes it was taken by
carefully choreographed stages all the way to the capital by a large group
of peasants and laborers associated wtih the temple (shuto 衆徒 )
preceded by a similar group to the shrine (jinin 榊人) and left either at the
Fujiwara college, the Kangakuin, or at Hōjōji. It was first used in this
fashion as early as 1007. Warriors sent to intercept the procession often
never lifted a finger to impede the passage of such a potent symbol, and
matters were made worse because of a general reluctance to challenge these
intimidating groups..." Quoted from: The Religious Traditions of Japan
500-1600 by Richard Bowring, p. 219.
The image to the left if
cropped from a larger and much more striking photo posted at
commons.wikimedia by 663highland.
"For the community-at-large,
the procession is the most exciting and at the same time the most meaningful
part of a festival. The essence of the procession, as the Japanese
term meaning "august-divine-going" suggests is the movement of the kami
through the parish. This is accomplished by a symbolic transfer of the kami
from the inner sanctuary to an ornate and gilded sacred palanquin (mikoshi),
which becomes temporarily the abode of the kami. Actually, the sacred symbol
itself usually is not removed. Instead, after an appropriate ritual, some
symbolic substitute, such as a sacred mirror (shinkyo) or a gohei,
is used. But in addition to the main palanquin, there are many others made
by the parishioners, including some small ones for the children to carry.
Within these, as a symbol of the kami, is placed a piece of paper on which
the kami's name is written." Quoted from: Shinto: the Kami Way by Ono
and Woodard, p. 68.
Above is a mikoshi posted at Flickr
"In 869 the mikoshi (portable shrines) of Gion Shrine were paraded through
the streets of Kyoto to ward off an epidemic that had hit the city. This was
the beginning of the Gion Matsuri, an annual festival that has become world
famous." Quoted from: Buddha, His Life & Teachings by Neeraj Gautam.
"The sacred palanquins, the mikoshi, are so widespread today that the
word matsuri evokes their image. These sometimes enormous golden palanquins
shelter a divine symbol which may be quite simply a piece of paper stuck to
its ceiling or a twig, a mirror, etc." Quoted from: Asian Mythologies by
Yves Bonnefoy, p. 291.
"Like Taira Kiyomori, Yorimasa had also stood up to the warrior monks, but
earned their admiration when he showed great respect to the mikoshi,
the sacred palanquin, in which the kami was believed to dwell: 'Then
Yorirnasa quickly leapt from his horse, and taking off his helmet and
rinsing his mouth with water made humble obeisance before the sacred emblem,
all his three hundred retainers likewise following his example." Quoted
from: Samurai Commanders (1): 940-1576 by Stephen Turnbull, p. 13.
"Chancellor Moromichi Cursed for Attacking Priests: During the Horikawa
reign (1086-1107), the priestly horde at Mt. Hiei had come down to the
capital carrying a portable shrine in order to make demands on the Imperial
court. Chancellor Moromichi , feeling that this was an impudent thing for
them to do, issued orders against such activity and had the priests
attacked. Some arrows struck the portable shrine itself, and an Assistant
Head Shinto Priest by the name of Tomozane was injured. Consequently
Moromichi was cursed [by the Kami of Hie Shrine] and soon died." Quoted
from: Future and the Past: Translation and Study of the "Gukansho", an
Interpretative History of Japan Written in 1219, p. 88.
In The Gates of Power by Mikael Adolphson (pp. 267-8) it says: "The
monks became enraged and brought several mikoshi of Hiesha to the
Konpon chūdō, where they read sūtras and called on the Hachiōji kami
to bring down a curse on the regent. Moromichi fell ill, 'which everyone
attributed to the Sanno god's anger.' The Heike monogatari then goes
on to explain that Moromichi's mother made three vows, favoring the Lotus
Sūtra and the kami on Mt. Hiei, in an attempt to have her son spared,
but the god remained implacable, responding through a medium as follows: 'I
can never forget the misery I suffered when the authorities shot and killed
some of my priests and shrine attendants instead of granting their modest
request and when others of my people returned, wounded and weeping, to
complain to me of their wrongdoings.' Yet because of the lady's
compassionate vows, the kami granted her son an additional three
years. ¶ Though the account in some of its details is likely exaggerated,
there are some useful lessons here that further indicate the dilemma for
dispatched government warriors. First, they were expected to refrain from
harming any of the protesters, since the latter were under the protection of
Enryakuji and its deities. Second, it was a crime to damage any of the
sacred palanquins regardless of the gōso's validity; an arrest
for the firing of arrows at a local palanquin in 1105 represents represents
another early example. In fact, the court was consistent in punishing its
own warriors for such offenses. During the Hakusanji Incident of 1177, for
instance, arrows were fired at some of the mikoshi, leading to the
arrest of the six warriors deemed responsible." Note: A gōso
(強訴 or ごうそ) is a 'direct petition'.
"The Sanja festival (Asakusa, Tokyo, May May 17)) [sic] for example, always
leaves someone injured, as the shrine porters violently crash into each
other. In the Kenka-matsuri (Fight festival) of Nada, Himeji-shi, Hyōgo
prefecture (October 15), porters deliberately bump the shrines into each
other, hammering the roofs with poles so that the ornaments fall off. Often
the collisions are so violent that the portable shrines fall over. The same
happens during the Aramatsuri of Yaizu Tenjin shrine (Yaizushi , Shizuoka
prefecture, August 12-13) and at the Okutsuhime shrine (Wajima-shi, Ishikawa
prefecture, July 13-August 1) to mention only a few. This violent behavior
is not limited to the shrines; the porters also shout obscenities and injure
each other, behavior which must be forgiven and forgotten when normal time
returns. The obscenities exchanged by the mikoshi carriers indicates
the social leveling following the festival's abolition of all
differentiation. ¶ Other such behavior appears in the so-called
hadaka-matsuri (naked festivals), during the Koshōgatsu (the 'Little New
Year' of January 14-16). Young men, often braving bitterly cold weather,
carry their portable shrines into a river, lake or ocean. At the
Dorokake-matsuri of Katori shrine (Noda-shi, Chiba prefecture, April 3) the
portable shrine is taken into a pool of mud near Tone river.20 While they do
so, they display the same clamorous, violently competitive behavior —
running, singing, shouting, and jumping. They behave as if they were
divinely possessed, surrendering themselves to a dizzy state of ecstatic
exhaustion. As the kami presence gradually takes over, their procession
becomes increasingly erratic and exuberant. The immersion of shrine and
porters in cold water can be seen as a symbol of the death and rebirth of
creation, destroyed and regenerated at the same time. ¶ These examples show
how much unruly behavior still characterizes a number of modern festivals.
We can only presume that ancient Japanese festivals were more violent than
those of today, when the law, extending equally to ordinary and festival
time, curbs such behavior out of respect for human health and safety."
Quoted from: Chaos and Cosmos: Ritual in Early and Medieval Japanese
Literature by Herbert Plutschow, pp. 55-56.
"When in 749 Emperor Shōmu
abdicated to become a novice monk in favour of his daughter Kōken (r.
749-58), a second oracle was was reported from a kami called Hachiman
enshrined at Usa in Kyushu. Hachiman expressed a desire to
travel to the capital. His palanquin, the prototype of the mikoshi, was met
on the road by a retinue of high officials, received at the capital and
installed in a special shrine. A high-born priestess of the Hachiman shrine
(who was also a Buddhist nun) then worshipped in the Todaiji in a ceremony
attended by the whole court, including the retired Shomu, his daughter the
Empress Koken and five thousand monks. Dances were performed and 'a cap of
the first grade was conferred upon the god. Subsequently extensive lands
were granted to the Tōdaiji." Quoted from Shinto in History: The Ways of
Kami, by John Breen and Mark Teeuwen, p. 174.
In Classical Japanese: A Grammar (vol. 2, p. 350) by Haruo Shirane it says:
"The prefix mi- was originally used to designate high places. As a
nominal prefix, mi is often used with words related to the emperor,
royal family, gods (kami) and buddhas to create words such as the
following..." miko (prince or princess), mikoto (words of the
emperor), mikari (hunting by the emperor), miyuki (imperial
procession), mikoshi (carriage of the gods), mitama (spirit of
a god), minori (Buddist law), etc.
"The Shrine Prototype Actual shrine structures
were probably built in response to the need to summon a deity in order to
offer prayers for a bountiful crop or express thanks for a good harvest.
These early structures, the prototypes of the shrines we know today, are
found either in a central location in a village or before mountains,
boulders, and other places where the gods were thought to dwell. These
original constructions were most likely temporary in nature. The
configuration of the early shrines is unknown, but possibly resembled the
portable shrines (mikoshi) still carried on poles during festivals
today. Indeed, the arrangement of the foundation stones at Kasuga Shrine...
and Kumano Shrine... suggest that their principal structures were originally
moveable." Quoted from: What is Japanese Architecture?: A Survey of
Traditional Japanese Architecture by Kazuo Nishi and Kazuo Hozumi, p.
Some Japanese companies have been known to take kami and mikoshi
to foreign sites, like Scotland, where they have established new businesses.
Source: Religion in Contemporary Japan by Ian Reader, p. 76.
Women and mikoshi: John Dower in Embracing Deafeat: Japan in the
Wake of WW II (p. 242) said: "Many initiatives took place locally
without garnering headlines. When a neighborhood festival was resumed in
Yokohama in the summer of 1946, for example, after a hiatus of five years
due to the war, women for the first time ever were allowed to participate in
carrying the mikoshi, or portable shrine. They thereby joined men at
the center of the festivities and stepped within a Shinto circle that
traditionally had excluded them for being physically and morally impure. In
such ways, cherished practices associated with the 'good morals and manners'
of the past began to be transformed subtly from below."
"Mikoshi or portable shrines represent another element of rural
celebrations. Mikoshi vary considerably in degree of elaboration. One
of the simplest is the tawara, which consists of several bales of
rice secured to a wooden base. Long carrying poles extend horizontally
forward and back to assist the participants in lifting the propduring
processions. Others such as the yakata or 'palace' are intricately
carved altars, decorated with lacquered wood and gold leaf. Both types are
hoisted upwards on the shoulders of groups of four or more festival goers
for use in ceremonies such as the tawara'momi (literally 'rice bale
jostle'). In this noisy event, the shrines are rocked violently back and
forth to the accompaniment of flute and drum music. The event is sometimes
extended into a competition, as one group tries to throw the bearers of
other mikoshi off balance by drowning out their beat. Shrines can
even be rammed together at the height of the action." Quoted from: An
Invitation to Kagura: Hidden Gem of the Traditional Japanese Performing Arts
by David Petersen, p. 265.
In footnote 18 (pp. 197-8) of Ceremony and Ritual in Japan: Religious
Practices in an Industrialized Society it says: "In the Tokyo area where
my family and I lived during the spring of 1991, the Shinto shrine, Tomioka
Hachimangu, had the first portable shrine built for them since 1923.
According to the Japan Times (5 June 1991) it was presented by the
Sagawa Kyūbin Company which had close connections to that area of Tokyo,
Fukagawa. The 'portable' shrine (mikoshi) weighed over 4 tons, was
covered with 34 kilograms of gold, diamonds and rubies, cost one billion yen
to build and required 400 men and women to carry it."
Stefan Verstappen in The Thirty-six Strategies Of Ancient China it
says on page 69 that warrior monks used both force and psychology to
win the day: "Although feared for their fighting prowess with a naginata,
the monks also employed another tactic in the form of psychological warfare.
They would carry into battle a huge portable shrine, known as a mikoshi.
Within the shrine it was believed there lived the spirit of one of the many
gods the Yamabushi worshipped. Any offense against the mikoshi was
considered an offense against the deity itself. During battle, enemy archers
dared not unleash their arrows into the Yamabushi ranks for fear of striking
the mikoshi and incurring the wrath of god. At other times the monks
would carry the mikoshi into the town square, chant curses on the
townsfolk and return to the mountains leaving the mikoshi in the
village. The towns people were loath to go near it believing the town and
everyone in it was cursed by its presence. Only after the townsfolk had
gathered together a suitable 'donation' would the monks return and haul the
dreaded shrine away."
"Analogous is a Shinto god whose presence, forever invisible, is symbolized
by a shrine building, as if the shrine itself were the god. Even when the
god is brought out in a festival to make his annual tour around the
community, he is transferred in a mystic rite from his residential shrine
into a temporary portable shrine (mikoshi) with no moment of
exposure. This spatial confinement of the god likely has magical
implications, for, as T.M. Luhrmann (1989) argues, invisibility generates
supernatural potency. (As if to ensure invisibility and thereby maximize
magical efficacy, mystic Shinto rites are often conducted in the dark,
between midnight and predawn.) ¶ The emperor, then, was not only a ritual
worshipper possessing privileged intimacy, including commensality, with his
hidden ancestor-gods (who are central Shinto gods), but he himself embodied
godlike potency, which was preserved and enhanced by his invisibility. Like
a god confined in the hidden interior of a shrine, he was in no position to
use his potency; instead he could only make it available to a magician
outside the shrine, to 'the carrier of the mikoshi,' who invoked the name of
the august one inside, hidden, invisible. Guarding the shrine of the
emperor-god was the enormous bureaucracy of the Imperial Houshold Ministry."
Quoted from: Above the Clouds: Status Culture of the Modern Japanese
Nobility by Takie Sugiyama Lebra, pp. 346-7.
John Kenneth Nelson in A Year in the Life of a Shinto Shrine (p. 228)
describes mikoshi kiyoharai as "Purification of the portable
神輿倉 or 神輿蔵
The structure where mikoshi are stored when not being used.
"Mikoshi niudo is an immense bald-headed monster that lolls out his
tongue, looking down over the tall folding screens." (Quote from: Fu-so mimo
bukuro: a Budget of Japanese Notes by C. Pfoundes, 1875)
"A demon in folk legends, said to have a third eye on its forehead, and a
very long tongue." (Quote from: apan Encyclopedia by Louis Frédéric, p. 631)
The image to the left is
taken from a print by Yoshitoshi.
See also our entry on
In 1917 Ficke said: "Mildew
discoloration is ineradicable." (Quoted from: Chats on
Japanese Prints, by Arthur Davison Ficke, published by Frederick A.
Stokes Company, 1917, p. 443)
I am mentioning this here as a
warning for any serious collector. Of course, it was said in 1917 and I am
not completely up on the contemporary science of conservation, but would
reiterate what Ficke has said to any potential buyers or collectors. If a
print has mildew all caution should be taken - even if the print is free.
That is my very strong opinion. Often referred to as foxing its spread can
be halted, but generally at great expense by professionals. The print should
be worth the cost. I am not sure if the effects of mildew can ever be
In 1913 Frederick William
Gookin, writing for the Japan Society in his Japanese Colour-prints and
Their Designers (p. 22) called mildew "...the dread foe of the Japanese
housewife..." I don't know why he singled out housewives when he was talking
about this scourge, but whatever...
Masu means measure and
in this case in particular it referred to measurements of rice. A
triple masu crest was adopted by Ichikawa Danjūrō I (1660-1704)
supposed after a fan gave him an object with this design. After that it was worn by his namesakes.
There may also be another connection in that Ichikawa Danjūrō I
wrote more than fifty plays for himself to star in, but he did this under
the pen name Mimasuya Hyōgo (三升屋兵庫 or みますや.ひょうご).
The deckle edge of a
sheet of handmade Japanese paper.
The process of paper
making is incredibly labor intensive. Gathering, treating and beating fibers
hardly gets at sense of it. Numerous books have been written on the subject.
But here we concerned mainly with the end product, i.e., the sheet of paper.
A keta [ 桁
or けた] or wooden frame called a deckle is essential in forming sheets of
paper. Liquid loaded with fibers in suspension is ladled from a vat and
poured into the keta "...which is lined with a fine slatted bamboo
gauze (su) held together with silk thread. The water drips through
the gauze and leaves a thin sheet of paper resting on the top." The deckle
is shaken to form even sheets. Repeating the ladling process creates thicker
paper. The outside edges of each sheet are thinner and clearly show the
deposited fibers. This outer edge is the mimi-tsuki. [Source and
quote from: Japanese Woodblock Printing by Rebecca Salter, p. 40-41.]
deckle edges were trimmed. However, in the 20th century, especially in the
shin hanga movement, these edges have often been left uncut and have been
considered a desirable quality. These distinctive sheets are
often found on the prints of Hiroshi Yoshida, Kotondo, Shinsui, Natori
Shunsen, Jacoulet, et. al.
Both Hiroshi and
Tōshi Yoshida have written about this deckle edge.
In his 1939 book
Japanese Wood-block Printing Hiroshi Yoshida wrote: "Mimi-tsuke (paper
with uncut edges) is generally characterized as good paper; the natural
edges are preserved for beauty. Cheaper ones have their edges trimmed." (p.
In 1966 Tōshi
Yoshida and Rei Yuki wrote in their Japanese Print-Making: A Handbook of
Traditional and Modern Techniques: "Good handmade paper is slightly dark
in tone, and its edges are invariably left untrimmed. Paper in this state is
known as mimi-tsuki (with ears). The quality of the paper can thus be
tested by drawing out the fibers in long tough threads. If the paper is of
good quality, these fibers can hardly be torn." (p. 52)
The example to the
left was sent to me by my great friend and supporter Mike Lyon. He told me
that this sheet was made by Iwano Ichibei (岩野市兵衛 or いわの.いちべえ), a Living
We have discussed Tametomo
elsewhere. He is mentioned as a god who defends people against
smallpox. (See our entry on
hōsō.) He is also the hero of one of
masterpieces described by Aston in his A
History of Japanese Literature (published by William Heinemann, 1907, p.
355). "For intelligence and valour he had no peer. His stature was seven
feet. He had the eyes of a rhinoceros, and the arms of a monkey. In strength
he had no equal, and was skilled in drawing the nine-foot bow. Nature seemed
to have destined him for an archer, for his left arm was four inches longer
than his right. His eyes had each two pupils."
Above is the book jacket to
volume 5 of the collection of the Hokusai Museum.
It clearly shows Tametomo in
a display of this strength. Not even breaking a sweat.
(This series is a great visual
resource for anyone interested in Hokusai's art.)
Tametomo is the hero of Bakin's 1805 masterpiece Yumibari-tsuke
(弓張月 or ゆみばりずき). (A
History of Japanese Literature, by William George Aston, published by
William Heinemann, 1907.) Bakin wrote that at the age of 12 Tametomo was
allowed to attend a lecture at court by Shinsei, a great scholar. When the
topic of great archers came up Tametomo interrupted the gathering by
bragging that it was moot to even discuss such matters when he, the greatest
archer of all time, was right there before them. ¶ Shinsei was startled by
the boy's braggadocio so a challenge was set forth. If the boy could
survive arrows being shot at him by two of the best archers in Japan he
would win. If not, he would most likely die. Tametomo wanted to know what he
would get if he won. Shinsei said the boy could have his head. ¶ Tametomo
stood before the archers and "Not only the sovereign but all present wrung
their hands till they perspired, expecting every moment to see Tametomo's
life fade faster than the dew beneath the sunbeams." Norishige and Norizaku
let fly. Tametomo caught one arrow with his right hand and the other with
his left right before it struck home near his heart. Frustrated the
two archers, not wanting to kill the boy, nevertheless redoubled their
efforts swearing that this time he would not be able to catch the next
round. One came so fast that all Tametomo could do was entangle it with his
sleeve. The other was even faster leaving the boy no option but to catch its
tip between his teeth "...and at once crunched its head to atoms." Everyone
was amazed because it had happened as fast as a bolt of lightening. At this
point Tametomo yelled "Now, your Reverence, you will be so good as to give
me your head..." Fortunately at this point the boy-wonder's father
interceded and the scholar was spared. (Aston, p. 358)
Folk art - It could be
translated literally as 'people's crafts'.
A straw raincoat.
Above is a photo of a
traditional Japanese mino taken by Jnn and posted on
Jnn placed this in the
public domain and for this we are appreciative. We altered the background to
isolate the image.
The image to the left is a
detail from a ca. 1838 Toyohide print showing Kanpei with his rifle and
unopened straw raincoat.
Long-tailed turtle - a
symbol of longevity. Actually the tail is algae growing on the backs of some
A special paper made from
mulberry bark. This paper is also known as kozō (楮 or こうぞ). It is used in
making the preliminary drawing or
which is laid down on the woodblock surface for carving the keyblock. It has
to have special qualities - mainly strength - to withstand the process which
ends up in its destruction. This long-fibered paper was also used in
producing traditional lacquer ware and even in puppet making.
In Margaret Price's 1999
Classic Japanese Inns and Country Getaways she states that "In the days
when washi (handmade paper) was made entirely by hand, Mino was one
of the biggest, most active centers in the country. Echizen papers from the
Sea of Japan coast were the choice of artists and calligraphers, but Mino
fed the voracious appetite for books among the increasingly literate
residents of Edo (Tokyo) during the Edo period. The fine blemish-free Mino
paper, sold at bulk discounts, was so popular with Edo woodblock printers
that the size of the Mino folding frames determined the standard sizes of
books. And rather as Westerners now call crockery 'China,' the generic name
for the most common scroll-mounting paper is still mino-gami. ¶ The
only visible remains today of the hundreds of papermakers who once lined the
banks of the Itadorigawa river are the two hon-mino-gami (genuine
Mino paper) masters who are designated 'living national treasures.' Their
homes still have tall boards propped out in front to dry the fruits of their
In a publication from 1879
professors W. E. Ayrton and John Perry stated that mino-gami was used
to polish metallic mirrors because it was softer than silk.
One of my favorite sculptors
from any nation in the 20th century was Isamu Noguchi. When he visited Gifu
Prefecture in 1951 to watch the cormorant fishing which was done at night by
torch light he was inspired to create his Akari lamps which are made up of
minogami paper strips stretched over bamboo frames. I have always
liked these but did not realize until I was researching this topic that it
was minogami which was used. Below is a detail from a photograph of
hanging Akari lights posted on the Internet at commons.wikimedia by Evrik.
Two disembodied heads which sit
atop Yama's pole in hell. They are used to judge the sins of souls which
have died recently. Kaguhana, the all-smelling, can detect all bad
acts and Mirume, the all-seeing, can detect all of a sinner's faults.
The two images shown here
are taken from prints by Yoshitoshi.
Purification - "Another type of
misogi is found at the Amano Shrine in Kishu, where people carry a portable
shrine (mikoshi) to the ocean beach and pour sea water over it for ritual
cleansing." Quoted from: The Essence of Shinto : Japan's Spiritual Heart,
Shinto purification by cold water.
Bamboo blinds -
In the Princeton Companion to Classical Japanese Literature (p. 489) there
is a drawing showing the interior of a Heian palace. Number 17 is the
misu described as the "Sovereign's Bamboo Blind of State".
"During a game of kickball at sunset in the spring, Kashiwagi accidentally
glimpses the Third Princess behind the hanging shades of her rooms when her
cat runs out and momentarily lifts the bamboo blind (misu), stirring
his feelings." Quoted from: Envisioning the Tale of Genji: Media, Gender,
and Cultural Production by Haruo Shirane, p. 179.
The image to the left was posted at Flickr by mrhayata.
translation of this term is 'selection or choice', but sometimes loosely as
In an article in
"Impressions: The Journal of the Ukiyo-e Society of America, Inc." Number
19, 1997, Timothy Clark points out that this term has often been overused
and misunderstood. In fact, sometimes it is "an inventive pairing of
disparate things, what I described earlier as 'a brain-teasing collision.'"
"A very common
pictorial device in Ukiyo-e prints and paintings - reflecting a common
pattern of thought in Edo society as a whole - was that of mitate-e,
variously translated, but not completely summed up, by such English words as
'parody', 'travesty', 'burlesque', 'analogue'. The basic form of such
'parody pictures' was already apparent in certain genre paintings before
Ukiyo-e had ever appeared, and consisted of an ancient tale or incident,
acted out or otherwise alluded to in some way by characters wearing
"The range of subjects
suitable for reworking in this way was expanded and codified in a series of
printed books and albums by Okumura Masanobu [奥村正信 or おくむらまさのぶ: 1686-1724]
during the early decades of the seventeenth century and was often drawn from
Chinese and Japanese classical literature or lore, generally reworked in
Japanese No plays, popular ballad singing, or Kabuki during the intervening
centuries. The tone adopted varied from outright burlesque...to...simple
The use of the
mitate was often necessitated by effort to avoid government
restrictions. "...to avoid censorship by the military government of
reporting of contemporary events, many plots are relocated in the distant
Kamakura period and the characters given new, but similar-sounding names.
Popular literature of the eighteenth century, too, made extensive use of
Source and quotes:
Ukiyo-e Paintings in the British Museum, by Timothy Clark, Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1992, p. 21.
Bedding was obviously
very important to courtesan. Not only for comfort for her and her clients,
but also as a symbol of prestige. Only the highest order of prostitutes were
allowed to own three layers of futons - hence the mitsu buton.
Seigle states: "The tsumiyagu, or 'display of bedding,' was another
event that enhanced an oiran's prestige, though it was not as
important as sponsoring a new oiran. For courtesans, bedding was a
necessary professional accoutrement, of course, and receiving a set of
luxurious bedding in splendid fabric as a patron's gift was an occasion for
special display. The quilts (futon) and coverlets that a high-ranking
courtesan used were all of silk or silk brocade thickly stuffed with light
cotton. The taya and oiran used three layers of these quilts
for their beds."
Yoshiwara: The Glittering World of the Japanese Courtesan, by Cecilia
Segawa Seigle, published by the University of Hawaii, 1993, p. 187.
may be 積夜具 or つみやぐ.
The image to the
left is a detail from two prints of a triptych by Kunisada showing an actor
as a courtesan in her bed chamber holding the coat of her lover. Behind her
one can see the beautifully covered stacked futons. The detail on the bottom
shows more clearly the three separate tiers.
A crest or mon of
three oak leaves. (See our entry for kashiwa.)
A circle formed of
three comma shapes. These may represent heaven, earth and mankind.
Friedrich Hirth, a German born sinologist, argued that the ancient mitsu
tomoe represents rolling thunder and hence that is why the thunder god is
often beating a drum with the three comma motif. "But this ornament is not
at all limited to the drums of the thundergod; it is, on the contrary, very
frequently seen even on the drums beaten by children at the Nichiren
festival in October. At many Japanese temple festivals which have no
connection whatever with the thundergod or the dragon, the same ornament is
seen on lanterns and flags. Hirth explains its frequent appearance on tiles
as a mean of warding off lightning, based on the rule 'similia similibus'. "
This motif on tiles was believed "...to drive away evil influences..."
(Source and quotes from:
Dragon in China and Japan, by M. W. de Visser, reprinted by Kessinger
Publishing, 2003 - originally 1913, pp. 104-5)
"I formerly believed it to
be the Yang and Yin symbol, the third being the T'ai Kih ( 太極, the
primordium, from which Yang and Yin emanate). This primordium, which in
China is represented by the whole figure, should by mistake have been
represented by the Japanese by means of a third comma. Yang and Yin, Light
and Darkness, however, are represented by one white and one black figure,
somewhat resembling comma's and forming together a circle. It would be very
strange if the ancient Japanese, who closely imitated the Chinese models,
had altered this symbol in such a way that its fundamental meaning got lost;
for replacing the two white and black comma's with two or three black ones
would have had this effect. Moreover, in Japanese divination, based on the
Chinese diagrams, the original Chinese symbol of Yang and Yin is
always used and placed in the midst of the eight diagrams. Thus the
futatsu-tomoe and mitsu-tomoe are apparently quite different from
this symbol, and Hirth rightly identifies them with the ancient Chinese
spiral, representing thunder." (Ibid., p. 105)
"...variations of the so-called
'comma' motive, signifying good luck, which include the 'three commas' (mitsu-domoye),
which Raiden, the thunder-god, has marked on his drum, and the
mitsu-komochi-domoye ('three pregnant commas,' three large 'commas'
enclosing smaller ones)." (Quoted from: 'Guide to the Japanese Textiles'
by A. D. Howell Smith at the Victoria and Albert Museum, 1919, p. 41)
"Although the yin-yang emblem in question does appear in Japan
(especially in divination practices), where it is called futatsu-tomoe,
or the 'two comma designs', more common, however, is the so-called
mitsu-tomoe, the ' three comma designs'. Functionally identical to the
dual comma-shaped yin-yang emblem, the mitsu-tomoe
comprises three interlocking comma-shaped patterns in a circle, graphically
representing a kind of spherical whirl design. An example of such a design
is shown on the drum worn on the breast of the namazu fireman remain
in the guise of the fire/thunder god Fudo... The frequent appearance of the
mitsu-tomoe on objects like drums, particularly also on those objects
connected with the temple and its rituals, is ascribed to its evil- averting
properties. The fact that drums often featured the mitsu-tomoe
design, logically leads to the assumption that the design is associated with
thunder. Indeed, the reverberant sound of the drum is easily likened to the
peals of thunder, and, in addition, the thunder god Raijin is usually
depicted wielding a series of drums each one affixed with the
mitsu-tomoe design. Accordingly, De Visser for example is firmly
convinced that the comma-shaped emblems are nothing but designs indicative
of rolling thunder. But there is more to it. Earlier, as it will be
remembered, mention has been made of the ambivalent qualities of certain
deities, differentiated as the rough spirit (aramitama) and gentle
spirit (nigimitama). These two aspects, moreover, admitted of two
additional spirits, the most important being the sakimitama or luck
spirit. According to the details set forth by Herbert, the mitsu-tomoe
actually represents these three aspects. Significant is the explanation of
the sakimitama, where saki is claimed to be the function of
saku (to split, to analyse, to differentiate). Based on these arguments,
there seems to be little doubt that sakimitama is the mediating
element that reconciles as it were the two opposing aspects of one god, or,
in general terms, comprises the mediator between the dual forces of the
universe, embodied by the yin-yang element." Quoted from:
Irezumi: the Pattern of Dermatography in Japan by Willem R. van Gulik,
He was also known under the name Baisotei Gengyo (梅素亭玄魚 or ばいそていげんぎょ).
He was also known as an author of gesaku (戯作 or げさく) or comic
compositions. There is a memorial print of Kuniyoshi done by Yoshiiku. One
of the dedicatory poems is by Gengyo. He contributed art work to prints
designed by Toyokuni III and some texts too.
The three monkeys who see,
hear and speak no evil. "BY THE VILLAGE road, and more often at the dividing
line between two villages there stands a koshin-zuka or a koshin
stone tablet. Koshin is one of the most common deities worshipped by
rural folks. As it usually stands on a village road, it is regarded as the
guardian of the road or the protector of travellers. But originally it was
the guardian deity for the local people." Such stone carvings are common,
but according to Mock Joya no one is quite sure what they represent.
However, many of these markers display the three monkeys and were known to
all Japanese. Supposedly their origin is Chinese. "It is generally said that
it was the Buddhist priest Dengyo (767-822) who first engraved the three
wise monkeys on the koshin tablet, as he placed great value on the
old teaching. If this be so, the three monkeys are a later addition to the
original koshin tablet which was already an object of public
The painted wood carving
shown above is from the Tōshōgū shrine devoted to Tokugawa Ieyasu at Nikkō.
It was said to be created by Hidari Jingorō (fl. late 16th c. to the early
17th c.:左甚五郎 or ひだり.じんごろう) who some believe was as great a sculptor as
Japan has ever produced. In fact, Basil Hall Chamberlain in his Things
Japanese was unequivocal in his praise: "Japan's most famous sculptor was
Hidari Jingorō, born in A.D. 1594. (p. 84) Chamberlain said he died in 1634.
Some legends say that his creatures come to life at night and roam about. In
that Jingorō is compared to Pygmalion.
This carving is mounted above
the entry to the 'stable' where the sacred white horse is kept for the use
of the gods. Katherine M. Ball in her Animal Motifs in Asian Art: An
Illustrated Guide to Their Meanings and Aesthetics (Courier Dover
Publications, 2004, p. 122) says that these three moralizing monkeys are of
Buddhist origin and are "...designed to warn against the three principal
For other images of these
monkeys go to our page
We have been able to share this
famous carving with you due to the generosity of someone self-identified as
Fg2 who posted numerous photos at
http://commons.wikimedia.org/. We are extremely grateful for
Archaically it meant an infant.
Later it meant a foetus, a stillborn fetus and in time it was a term used
for an aborted child. "With the dramatic rise in abortions eventually came
the creation of mizuko kuyō. Mizuko (literally 'water
baby/child') is an alternate term for a fetus, though it has largely taken
on the meaning of a fetus lost through miscarriage, stillbirth, or,
especially, abortion. Kuyō is a memorial rite, derived from the verb
'to offer,' as in to offer prayers and apologies. There are countless
varieties of kuyō in Japanese Buddhism, and they are among the most
common religious practices - everything from ancestors to sushi to broken
sewing needles receive kuyō rites. The actual procedural details of
mizuko kuyō differ according to the particular person or group
performing the rite, but they fall into several general patterns. Typically
a woman approaches a Buddhist priest and requests the service. The ceremony
is held in the main worship hall of the temple or a special shrine
specifically for mizuko kuyō (a mizuko jizōdō), where
the priest chants sutras, expresses the wish that the mizuko will
become a Buddha, and prompts the layperson to make offerings of incense,
toys and food. Often the woman purchases a small, childlike statue of Jizō,
dresses it with bibs and knitted hats, and prays to it for forgiveness; in
some temples a memorial plaque (ihai), normally used to enshrine
ancestors, takes the place of the statue." (Quoted from: Mourning
the Unborn Dead: A Buddhist Ritual Comes to America by Jeff Wilson, p.
See also our entry on
"Another way in which laypeople
ritualize pregnancy losses that is outside the aegis of priests is by
purchasing votive tablets (ema)
and writing messages to the spirit of Jizō." (Ibid.)
The rather odd image to the
left (above) is a detail form a Meiji period Japanese print showing a
pregnant woman with a cut-away shot her fetus. The image below that is by
our friend Angela.
A sticky rice cake. It
is eaten at New Year's, but not exclusively then, because it is said
to bring good luck and prosperity.
describes a series of three Utamaro full-figure portrait prints "...that avoid black outlines whenever possible and replace these with
coloured outlines, or 'boneless' (mokkotsu) areas of colour with no
outline at all."
Passionate Art of Kitagawa Utamaro, published by the British Museum
Press, London, 1995, Text volume, p. 185.
Those three prints
are among the greatest examples of their type. However, if you look closely
you will find that elements of prints by many other artists show this
'boneless' technique as part of the overall design. To the left are two
details from a Toyokuni I print showing both lined and lineless areas. To
see the full print click on the number to the right.
In isolation the kanji characters for this term could mean 没
for hide and diappear and 骨for skeleton or bone.
Printing which clearly
shows the woodgrain.
"Because the grain of the
cherry blocks was so fine it rarely showed in traditional prints, although
occasionally it can be seen in areas of flat colour or as a texture on
kimono. Printing the grain across a whole edition required considerable
skill. In contemporary prints, woods such as pine and cedar are used
specifically for their grain. To further emphasise the grain, it can be
enhanced by brushing with a wire brush or even scorching. The block is inked
up and printed as usual but with a strongish baren. Strong grained
woods such as pine need less pigment and nori, softer grained woods
like zelkova should be printed like betazuri [or flat color
Quoted from: Japanese Woodblock Printing,
by Rebecca Salter, University of Hawaii, 2001, p. 109.
"Mokumezuri (grain printing) is more usually met with in modern
prints than in the ukiyo-e. Since the grain in the block used for the
ukiyo-e is too fine for this purpose, pieces of wood with a desirable grain
pattern (usually keyaki) are inlaid at the necessary parts of the block. In
order to print the grain distinctly, the pigment is used with less medium
than usual, and the sixteen-starand baren is employed with more strength
than in ordinary printing."
Quoted from: Japanese
Print Making: A Handbook of Traditional & Modern Techniques, by Tōshi
Yoshida and Rei Yuki, Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1966, p. 79.
The detail to the
left is from a Kunichika print. To see the full image click on the yellow
number 1 in the column to the right.
Hiroshi Yoshida in his
Japanese Wood-block Printing (1939, p. 101) wrote in general about the
amount of pigment to be used: "Sufficient pigment should be put on the
block, but if too much is used there will be a tendency for it to overflow
and give a blunt definition to the print. If, on the other hand, too little
pigment is used, then the grain of the wood will be brought out on the
print. The best condition to bring out the grain of the wood when required,
is to use as little pigment as possible, as much paste as possible, and then
finish colouring the block by stroking the block with the brush parallel
with the grain of the wood, and rubbing the baren in the direction of the
Yoshida also discusses the
opposite effect: Getting rid of the grain altogether. "The best way to
obliterate the impression of the grain of the wood is to grind the surface
of the wood with nagura [なぐら] (fine whetstone) and tokusa [木賊 or とくさ - it can also be 砥草] (dried
pewterwort). Of course, in choosing boards for different colour blocks care
should be exercised to get the right quality of wood. In spite of this care,
it may become necessary to obliterate the grain by artificial means.
Sometimes it becomes necessary to use an extra board of different grain on
top of the first in order to do this. Though the grain may seem to be
troublesome, by printing another block a certain pleasing result may often
be obtained, a result which appears to have been obtained not from the
grain, but from something else."
Above and below are photos
of horsetails, i.e, pewterwort, i.e., Equisetum hyemale,
which is mentioned above by
Hiroshi Yoshida as a plant used to scour out wood grains - if that is the
effect you want.
I hadn't thought of it until
I went searching for images of this plant, but horsetail plants were used in
the past to scrub pots and pans in the West.
Both of these images are
shown courtesy of Shu Suehiro at